Saturday, 2 July 2011

Peron-related exam questions and markscheme answers since 2007 and earlier

PERON EXAM QUESTIONS

Populist leaders in Latin America: rise to power; characteristics of populist regimes; social, economic and political policies; treatment of the opposition; successes and failures (suitable examples could be Peron, Vargas or any relevant Latin American leader)

Nationalism, social reform, economic development

Examine the methods used and the conditions which helped the rise to power of one single party state leader in one country Latin America in the first half of the twentieth century.  NOV07
This question could be answered with reference to any single party state leader in Latin America.
It is possible that two favorites will be Peron and Vargas.
Castro should not be accepted because his rise to power is not during the time frame. 
Methods could include: armed revolt; free elections; use of ideology; support from both inside the country and foreign powers; the appeal of the leader; propaganda. 
Conditions: could include: economic problems, foreign intervention, social conflicts, dictatorship, etc.

Assess the nature and effectiveness of opposition to  either  Juan Domingo Perón (1946–55)   or Getulio Vargas (1930–45). MAY07

The question requires that candidates assess the role of opposition during the regime of  either Perón or Vargas, considering both the composition of the opposition movements and the methods used against the leaders.

Opposition to Perón came from different sectors.  The higher ranks of the Army did not agree with either the democratisation of the armed forces or the candidature of Eva Perón to the vice presidency.  The landed elite believed that his centralised economic policies affected their interests.  Many intellectuals opposed his authoritarian methods, in particular his use of censorship.  The Catholic Church opposed restrictions imposed on religious associations, the legalisation of prostitution and divorce and the elimination of religious teaching.  The United States also  opposed  Perón’s nationalist and statist economic policy.  Economic problems after 1952 brought about opposition from formerly supportive sectors of society.
 As for the effectiveness of opposition, candidates could assess the roles of the aforementioned institutions in the overthrow of Perón as well as Peron’s own contribution to his downfall by the use of repression and violence and by his decision to give up power. 
Vargas also faced opposition from different sectors.  The landed elite and coffee-growers opposed his centralisation efforts.  Army officers and leaders of several states opposed what they considered to be leftist policies, while the left accused Vargas of reneging on the promises of land reform.  Brazilian liberals and the USA opposed Vargas’s  economic measures aiming to reduce the influence of foreign companies in the Brazilian economy.
Like Perón, Vargas was eventually removed from office by the army.  The first occasion was  in 1945, when a bloodless coup brought the Estado Novo to an end and Vargas was exiled to  Rio Grande do Sul.  However, opponents were unable to prevent his election in 1950.  
For what reasons, and by what means, did either Perón or Vargas obtain power? MAY06
The reasons for Perón’s rise to power can be found in the discontent of the Argentineans with the Concordancia governments (1932-43).  These governments were characterized by political fraud and economic growth.  However, economic growth, achieved by significant dependency on the British, continued the traditional export-import economic model and served to a large extent the interests of the estanciero elite and foreign business.  Politically, the Concordancia did not satisfy the urban middle classes or the now numerous and active trade unions.  The early 1940s saw a rise of cultural and economic nationalism.  The cultural nationalism of the intellectuals denounced the intervention of Britain in Argentine affairs, and found an echo among the ordinary citizens of Argentina, particularly in Buenos Aires.  The outbreak of the Second World War gave further impulse to nationalism and extended to economic affairs.  Nationalists argued for a policy of state led industrialization to produce the goods that could no longer be exported and to lessen the economy’s reliance on exports.  The critical impulse, however, came with the conversion of the armed forces to economic nationalism as a result of a dispute with the USA over a pan-American alliance against the Axis powers.  In 1943 the armed forces overthrew the government.  Among the junior officers in the new regime was Perón, who as minister of labour and later as vice-president of the military government built up a power base from which he launched a nationalistic project for Argentina.
 During 1943-5 Perón’s strategy for gaining power was to appeal to the urban classes, especially the workers, against the estancieros and foreign business.  He launched an intense nationalist campaign and used his position as labour minister to introduce significant welfare measures for the workers and as vice president  to give benefits to junior officers.  An additional political asset for Perón was Eva Perón.  Evita, a populist of great charisma among the workers, helped to bring the popular masses  to Perón.  In the presidential elections in 1946 Perón won with 54 % of the votes, in the cleanest elections in Argentina. 
The reasons for Vargas’ rise to power can also be found in the political and economic conditions of Brazil.  The politics of Brazil from 1889-1930 was an arrangement known as “café au lait”, an alliance between the coffee  elites of Sao Paulo and the cattle barons of Minas Gerais and the armed forces.  The capacity for other states to rebel against the system was limited because of the support of the armed forces and because the export economy worked fairly well.  By the 1920s, however, a powerful nationalism  emerged and political parties and intellectuals began to challenge the coffee-export economy and called for an end to manipulated elections and end of economic dependency.  It was the Wall Street Crash of 1929 that broke the alliance.  The coffee elites were able to dominate national politics because they were the chief earners of foreign exchange.  But the Crash led to the collapse of world demand for coffee.  By the presidential elections of 1930 the social and economic conditions of the country made the alliance unworkable.  When the election took place a new figure emerged to challenge the alliance, Getulio Vargas.  The governor of Rio Grande do Sul ran for the presidency and, in a questionable election, lost.  When violence and public disturbances occurred, the military deposed the elected president and installed Vargas as provisional president.
Vargas ruled Brazil from 1930 to 1954, relinquishing office only once in 1945-50.  Do not expect all of the above, but answers should respond to the two parts of the question. 
If only one part is addressed mark out of [12 marks].

How did either Getulio Vargas of Brazil or Juan Perón of Argentina gain and retain the support of the urban workers? NOV06
Vargas – sought the support of the workers against the traditional élite.  He was seen as a populist who gave workers a number of benefits including retirement plans, a 48 hour  work week, paid vacations, maternity benefits and childcare, educational opportunities,  and health and safety protection.  New unions were formed under the Ministry of Labour and although strikes were not allowed, there were  special courts and laws protecting workers.  Labour supported Vargas in return for these benefits and in 1945 the Brazilian Labour Party was formed.
Perón – it is claimed that, unlike earlier Argentine political leaders, Perón was aware that the support of labour would be important to his political power.  As labour secretary he increased wages for workers and enacted social legislation.  Trade unions increased in membership during this period and when the military imprisoned Perón in 1945, angry workers pressured the government to release him.  They also helped him overwhelmingly win the 1946 election.  Labour did not enjoy great freedoms under Perón, although it can be argued that this was something they had never had anyway, but they did receive concrete benefits and a sense of having a voice in government. 

Explain why liberalism had become discredited in Latin America by the 1930s.  Answer with reference to one country of the region. MAY05
Whichever country is selected  by candidates they will probably mention that some of the following were important concerns in Latin America: the replacement of individualism by a socially integrated community under the guidance of the state, the need to reclaim the natural resources to Latin Americans from foreigners, and a rejection of the materialistic and utilitarian outlook fostered by capitalism in favour of an authentic national culture.  Among the urban classes, nationalism  was forged into a political weapon against the traditional oligarchies.  New left-wing political parties arose unless the  small size of the industrial workforce limited their impact.  Indigenismo was another anti-liberal ideology.  It could take left or right-wing forms and could be itself  imbued with corporate and authoritarian ideas aswell.  The significance of the First World War may also be examined.
Do not expect all mentioned above for a good answer.

Analyse the aims and achievements of one populist leader in Latin America in the first half of the twentieth century. MAY05
Answers will vary according to the choice of leader.  Vargas, Perón and Cárdenas could be possible choices.  Castro, who came to power in 1959, is not a suitable choice.
Vargas’s  aims included seeking popular support and power, restoring federal unity in the early 1930s, increasing centralization and modernizing Brazil.   Achievements included restoring federal unity, securing power (provisional president 1930-4, president 1934-45 and 1950-4), establishing the Estado Nôvo, and modernizing the country in various ways. 
Perón’s aims included securing support and power, reducing foreign influence in the country’s economy, and building a “New Argentina” with social justice and economic prosperity.  Achievements included creating a broad political alliance, election as president (1946, 1951), nationalizing foreign controlled docks etc., introducing social justice measures and 5-year economic plans, rise in GDP 1946-8, paying off foreign debt (1947). 
Cárdenas’s aims included renewal of agrarian reform and development of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR).  Achievements included successfully modeling land reform on traditional Indian modes of tenure (ejido), reforming the PNR into the Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM/PRI) in 1938, and creation of one of the largest state-ownedcompanies in Latin America, PEMEX (Petróleos Mexicanos).
Credit analysis of foreign policy and also relevant use of material that looks beyond 1950, but do not expect it, and do not expect all of the above.

Explain why Populist movements emerged in Latin America in the first half of the twentieth century.  Illustrate your answer with specific examples from one country of the region. NOV04
Answers should include a notion of the political response to the socioeconomic changes experienced in the area during the 1930s (urbanization, economic  instability, nationalism, political awareness of classes not included  in political process);  and multi-class “popular alliances” to achieve power.  Typical examples: Juan Perón in Argentina during 1940s; in Brazil, Brazil’s Estado Novo and Getúlio Vargas during the late 1930s and Lázaro Cárdenas in Mexico during the same period.  Main characteristics to be discussed: role of charismatic leadership, semi-authoritarian rule (coalition against a particular set of interests that was prevented from participation); representation of class interests that were bound to conflict with each other.  Other countries can be used as examples but specific conditions of the given country are a must.  Analytical answers should be rewarded.  Marks will depend on the depthof the comments and examples.

How and why did nationalism evolve in Latin America in the first half of the twentieth century?  Illustrate your answer with examples from one country of the region. NOV 03
Until the late 1930s Latin American nationalism had been largely cultural and intellectual.  Its more frequent manifestation had been attacks on foreign business and intervention.  But after the experience of the Depression a new form of nationalism emerged.   Nationalists began to argue that it was the agrarian structure of  the economy which caused subservience to foreign interests.  The build up of manufacturing industry came to be regarded as a way out of these difficulties, for the domestic economies would become less dependent on imports and would therefore be more self-sustaining in times of world recession.  The nationalists launched a programme of industrialization planned by the state and designed to develop the capacity to manufacture the industrial products which had to be imported from abroad.  This was economic nationalism, and its  goal was true national sovereignty through industrial self-sufficiency.  The  selected countries will  reflect the particular  evolution of nationalism. Probable choices: Argentina; Brazil (Vargas); or Cuba.
Attention to the time frame is the key to the question.  It allows students to discuss familiar topics such as Argentina the Concordancia and Perón’s nationalism before he came to power and during his first term in power, as well as Vargas in Brazil.  Other choices might be applicable.  This, however, does not apply to a discussion about the Cuban revolution, but about the nationalistic elements which launched the Revolution.  Both why and how should be addressed.  

In what ways, and to what extent, were the policies of either Vargas or Perón successful in achieving their aims? MAY03
Answers could refer to social, political and economic policies, and even foreign policy.

Vargas (Provisional President 1930-34, President 1934-45, 1950-54).  Aims included
securing popular support and power, restoring  federal unity in the early 1930s, increasing
centralization and modernizing the country.  A pragmatist, he restored federal unity and was
elected President in 1934 through making concessions.  Then frightened the elites into
abolishing the new constitution and establishing a dictatorship in 1937-8.  Established the
Estado Nôvo and began to build a multiclass,  pro-industrial, urban-based populist alliance.
Modernized the country through centralization, diversification in agriculture, improvements in
transport and communications, placing mineral resources and key industries under national
ownership, promotion of industrial expansion, and implementation of a new labor code
(1943).  Joined the Second World War on the side of the Allies, gaining financial aid for
industrialization.  Won the 1945 election, but  removed from power by the military.  Made
economic policy his top priority 1950-54, but inflation, trade deficit and doubts about US loan
commitments had adverse effects, but there were also positive effects.  Faced with demands
for his resignation, he shot himself. Vargas’s reforms had big effects in cities.

Perón (President 1946-55 and 1973-4).  Aims included securing popular support and power, reducing foreign influence in the economy, and building a “New Argentina” with social justice and economic prosperity.  His nationalist and populist policies included creating a political alliance of workers, managers and the military; nationalizing the foreign-controlled railways, docks, and largest telephone company; introducing social justice measures and Five Year Economic Plans.  Initially he had considerable success in achieving his aims: elected president in 1946 and 1951; GDP rose 1946-8,  aided by post-war economic boom; living
 conditions of workers and laborers improved; paid off Argentina’s entire foreign debt in July 1947.  Less successful from 1949 as the economy performed badly, inflation rose, world prices for Argentina’s exports fell, Evita died (1952), and he became more authoritarian.  By 1955 had to resign or face civil war.  Re-elected 1973, but the ensuing economic recovery and
 social stability were short-lived because of the 1974 economic crisis.

Credit analysis of foreign policy but do not demand it, and do not expect all of the above.

Compare and contrast the programmes of two twentieth century Latin American leaders. NOV02
This question provides opportunities for using knowledge of candidate’s own country. Possible examples could be: Perón, Cárdenas, Vargas.  Points for consideration of similarities and differences might be social, political and economic programmes and foreign affairs.  Two leaders of the same country are admissible.

Assess the evolution and impact of nationalism in  one country of Latin America from the 1930s to the 1960s. NOV01 A
Until the late 1930s Latin American nationalism had been largely cultural and intellectual.  Its more frequent manifestation had been attacks on foreign business and intervention.  But after the experience of the Depression a new form of nationalism emerged.   Nationalists began to argue that it was the agrarian structure of  the economy which caused subservience to foreign interests.  The build up of manufacturing industry came to be regarded as a way out of these difficulties, for the domestic economies would become less dependent on imports and would therefore be more self-sustaining in times of world recession.  The nationalists proposed to launch a programme of industrialization planned by the state  and designed to develop the capacity to manufacture at home the industrial products which had  to be imported from abroad.  This was economic nationalism, and its goal was true national sovereignty through industrial self-sufficiency.   These perceptions evolved after the Second World War, when industrialization was incorporated into a comprehensive nationalist theory of Latin Americaís relations with the external world: the structuralist dependency theory.
Another form of nationalism, closely link to economic dependency and foreign intervention, which emerged at the time was the appeal of Marxism.  It held up the hope of realizing the aspirations of nationalism: the forging of an authentic cultural identity once foreigners and their agents had been driven out of the country.
The selected country will reflect the particular evolution and impact of nationalism.  Probable choices: Argentina (PerÛn); Brazil (Vargas); Cuba (the Revolution).
Attention to the time frame is the key to the question.  It allows candidates to discuss familiar topics such as PerÛn and Vargas.  This, however, does not apply to a discussion about the Cuban revolution, but to the nationalistic element that launched the Revolution.  Other choices might be applicable. 

‘Between 1929 and 1950 a new generation of charismatic leaders in Latin America made broad economic and social changes in their states.’  To what extent do you agree with this view?  Explain your answer with specific examples from one country of the area.  NOV01
A great variety of opinions will emerge; accept them providing that the analysis and supporting arguments are sound.  Some of the leaders that might be analysed could be: PerÛn in Argentina, Vargas in Brazil, and C·rdenas in Mexico.  Fidel Castro in Cuba is not a choice because he did not emerge in this period.  These leaders usually combined corporatism and populism to win large numbers of followers, made broad changes in their statesí economies, if not, necessarily, in their societies.  These men were authoritarian but neither fascist nor totalitarian.  They shared a commitment to  break away from dependency and industrialise. Each had their own characteristics.  

Analyse the policies of one populist leader in Latin America in the first half of the twentieth century and assess their effectiveness. MAY00
Good choices here could be Juan PerÛn in Argentina during the 1940s, Get˙lio Vargas and Estado Novo in Brazil, and L·zaro C·rdenas in Mexico during the late 1930s.   Castro is not a sound choice here (though the syllabus in the History document does name Castro in the section ëLatin American politicians in the first half of the twentieth centuryí).  If candidates choose to write on Castro give them credit for any relevant material, but only if relevant and certainly not for any material beyond the early 1950s. 
PerÛn is likely to be a popular choice.  Candidates who choose to focus their answer on him need to set out the main elements of his policies: nationalism, social reform, economic development.  Reference should be made to various groups that supported PerÛn and the degree to which the policies were adapted to satisfy them:  e.g. labourers, industrialists, the military.  The second part of the answer should include reference to the effectiveness of the leaderís policies in relation to the groups that supported him.

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