INTERNAL ASSESSMENT: In what ways and with what results was the use of the ‘History will absolve me’ speech necessary for Fidel Castro’s success in the Cuban Revolution?

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In what ways and with what results was the use of the ‘History will absolve me’ speech necessary for Fidel Castro’s success in the Cuban Revolution?

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Higher Level History
Word Count: 1 879

Part A (138)

This investigation will establish in what ways and with what results the ‘History will absolve me’ was speech was necessary for Fidel Castro’s success in the Cuban Revolution. Through its antagonization of social policies under Batista and promotion of social reforms under Castro, Castro’s speech contrasted himself with Batista and this subsequently raised his profile among Cubans from 1953-5. The investigation will be conducted through the use of primary and secondary sources, and two sources to be evaluated include Robert E. Quirk’s Fidel Castro and Leo Huberman’s Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution.

            Castro used his speech to denounce the social impacts of the Batista regime. He appealed to the Cuban people by presenting a program of social reform under a revolutionary government. The ‘History will absolve me’ speech transformed Castro from an unknown rebel into a revolutionary leader.

Part B (401)

            Castro used the ‘History will absolve me’ speech to denounce the social impacts of Fulgencio Batista’s policies. A public opinion poll taken on March 1 1952 showed that in the upcoming presidential election, Batista was least popular.[1] Upon seizing power through an overnight coup on March 10, Batista and his Council of Ministers[2] passed a number of statutes that removed democratic aspects of the 1940 constitution, for example: the death penalty was reinstated for treason and any crimes found ‘military’ in nature, and all other political parties were disbanded while establishing new political parties became more difficult.[3] Citing these facts during the trail, Leo Huberman argues that “[Castro’s] speech was not a plea for mercy; on the contrary, it was an indictment of the Batista regime.”[4]

In 1953, eighty-five percent of farmers did not own land and paid rent for the land they tilled.[5] Ironically, foreigners owned over half of the most fertile land in Cuba and 4 000 000 hectares of this land remained uncultivated.[6] Poor conditions also extended into cities:
2 800 000 of the urban population lacked electricity, whereas electricity in homes was common after the 1930s in America and Europe.[7]  

Castro presented a series of social reforms that addressed the problems of Batista’s regime. He explained that the Revolution was based on the writings and principals of José Martí[8], Eduardo Chibás[9] and the 1940 Constitution[10]. Accordingly, he proposed measures that included: permanently settling the existing 100 000 small farmers on property they now rent; distributing land among peasant families; and cutting rents in half.[11]   Castro also addressed the role of soldiers as opponents of the Revolution, stating fourth and fifth ranked officers exploited their services for personal use.[12]  Robert E. Quirk explains that “His fight was not with the troops but with the usurping dictator.”[13]

The speech raised Castro’s profile among the Cuban people. While Castro was in prison, approximately 30 000 copies of his speech circulated and prominent journalists like Conte Agüero and Pardo Llada regularly published articles in Bohemia promoting the 26th of July Movement outlined in Castro’s speech.[14] After being granted amnesty, Castro was released on March 15 1955—by March 12, all the hotels in Nueva Gerona were full with reporters and citizens waiting to greet Castro.[15] His speech, which made parallels to Martí’s struggle for Cuban independence, compelled the peasantry to dub Castro’s rebels as the ‘Generation of the Centenary’.[16]

Part C (497)

            The first source evaluated was Robert E. Quirk’s Fidel Castro, published in 1995. Quirk is a Professor of History at Indiana University and he analyzes the life of Fidel Castro for an academic audience. His thesis in the second chapter was that “Castro recognized the importance of symbols, and he was prepared to create more for his revolution.”[17]

Quirk thoroughly analyzes the ideological background of Castro’s actions by providing extensive information about his upbringing. He states that “[Castro] identified himself with the great heroes of Cuba, notably the martyred José Martí.”[18]  Since Castro’s upbringing impacted his decisions in politics, a reader can understand his repeated parallels to old revolutionaries in the ‘History will absolve me’ speech—he intended to inspire Cubans the same way he was inspired.

F.W Knights argues that “the strength of Quirk's book derives from his extensive coverage of the dramatic early years of Cuba.”[19] Quirk gives detailed accounts of events, such as during Castro’s twenty-two months of incarceration. For example, he cites correspondence between Castro and journalists like Agüero and Llada from 1952-5, providing insight into his growth in popularity during the period.[20]

William Leogrande points out a limitation of the work, stating Quirk “recites the flow of events, as they happened chronologically… His focus remains unswervingly on Fidel Castro.”[21] Though Quirk provides an extensively detailed account of events in Castro’s life, his work becomes a biographical narrative with a “nonanalytic style.”[22]

The second source evaluated was Leo Huberman’s Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution, published in 1960. Huberman was a founder and co-editor of the socialist journal, Monthly Review, and he analyzes the course of Castro’s revolution until Batista’s removal for an academic audience. His thesis of the fifth chapter states “the central thrust of the revolution was the goal of improving living conditions for the vast majority of Cubans.”[23]

In the second and third chapters of his book, entitled ‘Poor People’ and ‘Foreign Domination’ respectively, Huberman provides an extensive degree of statistics as evidence—for example, he states that Cuba annually exported 11 000 000 kilos of tomatoes but imported
9 000 000 kilos of manufactured tomato products, demonstrating the nation’s need for industrialization.[24] In doing so, Huberman gives insight into the conditions in Cuba under Batista, giving context to the critic of Batista in Castro’s speech.

Huberman provides a detailed synopsis of the ‘History will absolve me’ speech and how it reflected Castro’s social agenda for a revolutionary government. By providing numerous figures, for example Castro’s intention to mobilize $1 500 million worth of inactive capital in Cuba, reader receive insight into Castro’s intended social policies.

Harry R. Targ indicates a limitation. He argues that Huberman repeatedly “emphasized… the rural character of the revolution and the symbiotic relationship between the leader of the revolution, peasants and agricultural worker.”[25] Though the peasantry was the largest portion of the population, Huberman’s scope is too narrowed on a single social class and he does not sufficiently consider positions of the middle or upper class.

Part D (725)

Castro stressed the illegitimacy of Batista’s regime since it was established forcibly over the weakness of the Auténtico government.[26] Batista avoided the upcoming elections because he was not supported by the public, only by Batistianios and members of the military.[27] As a result of Batista’s decrees, rights granted by the 1940 Constitution were suspended and the constitutional democracy in Cuba, though flawed, transformed into a dictatorship. As opposition to the regime increased, ‘treason’ could be as simple as discussing current political events—as was the case during Castro’s trial.[28] The vagueness of declaring acts ‘military’ in nature compromised citizens’ privilege to strike, which Castro stressed as the ultimate aggression against Cuban freedom.[29] By tightening the registration process for establishing new political parties, Batista ensured there were fewer parties running against him during the next presidential election—Batista wanted a legitimate victory so the United States could continue to support his regime.[30] Though Castro was meant to present his own defence, he used the opportunity to launch a wide-ranging critique of Batista’s policies in Cuba and argued that Batista’s suspension of the 1940 Constitution demonstrated that he was prepared to act against the needs of the Cuban people. Huberman reinforces that Castro “skilfully seized the opportunities offered by a conjunction of historical conditions that were unique to Cuba”.[31]

Small farm owners worked under contracts, often tilling enough to meet quotas but not to feed their families. Their meagre income produced a constant threat of being evicted from the land they tilled. Ownership of much of this land belonged mainly to the United States, but Batista took no substantial measures to reduce foreign ownership or increase economic self-sufficiency since it was in his own best interest to promote foreign presence in Cuba.[32] Since Cuba was primarily an agricultural nation, Castro pointed to the misappropriation of land as a primary issue: it prevented Cubans from securing a means of living; wasted land that could be redistributed for new industrial sectors of Cuba; and it placed capital into foreign hands, which subsequently prevented Cuba from strengthening itself through its own resources.[33] Poor living conditions further added to the daily plight of Cubans as a result of chaotic political leadership. By the 1950s, electricity was an accessible technology but, once again, the Batista government took no substantial efforts to make it available to the people.[34] Castro subsequently presented a revolutionary agenda to fix the problems of the Batista regime, which elevated his own image in contrast to Batista.

Castro linked the 26^th of July Movement with the revolutionary traditions of Martí and honest policies of Chibás, who wanted to restore honour into Cuban politics. Both men died promoting positive change in Cuban politics, and Castro appealed to nationalist sympathies of the Cuban people by drawing parallels to them within his speech.[35] As a result, he proposed various social reforms that would alleviate many immediate problems from the Batista regime, including that of land distribution and housing. Land reform programs involved the move away from American domination of Cuban soil, and this appealed to the historic anti-American attitudes in Cuba.[36] Castro also vindicated the role of soldiers as enemies of the movement, and repeatedly separated soldiers from the regime. He did this to win the support of the military, which proved rewarding during the occupation of Havana on December 31 1959 when Batista’s own men turned on him in support of the movement.[37] This also appealed to the tradition of respect and value towards the military in Cuban society.[38]

Publication of pamphlets and articles lifted Castro into the public consciousness. By 1955, many of Castro’s supporters saw him for the first time on the day of his release from prison; he won their support through the contents of his speech, not by charisma or oratory.[39] Cubans rallied behind Castro because he was the only leader who not only spoke out against Batista’s dictatorship, but was prepared to take action against it as well—as demonstrated by the Moncada attack. They embraced him and his rebels as the ‘Generation of the Centenary’ because his speech presented the 26 of July Movement as an extension of Martí’s struggle for freedom through independence. As a result of the ‘History will absolve me’ speech, Castro and his men emerged as martyrs against Batista’s corrupt regime just as Martí emerged as the martyr for Cuban independence.[40]

Part E (118)

The ‘History will absolve me’ speech secured Castro’s success during the Revolution by contrasting Batista’s failed social policies against Castro’s program of social reform, and this increased Castro’s appeal amongst the people. The significance of ‘History will absolve me’ rests in its treatment after 1959; it became “customary to cite [the speech] as if it were the only significant document in the whole period of his struggle for power.”[41] As the blueprint for revolutionary conduct, it transformed Castro from an unknown rebel into a revolutionary leader. In the words of Woodrow Wilson, “the seed of revolution is repression”.[42] The ‘History will absolve me’ speech promoted a revolution that grew out of Batista’s repression but flourished under Castro’s reform.

Bibliography

Balfour, Sebastian. Castro. Essex: Longman Group UK Limited. 1990.

Bunck, Julie Marie. Fidel Castro and the Quest for a Revolutionary Culture in Cuba.
            Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press. 1960.

Draper, Theodore. Fidel Castroism: Theory and Practice. New York: Frederick A. Praeger. 1965.

Dubois, Jules. Fidel Castro: Rebel—Liberator or Dictator? Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill. 1959.

Huberman, Leo. Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. New York: Monthly Review Press. 1960.

Knight, F.W. Choice. Vol. 31, “Book Reviews”. Middleton:  American Library Association,
            1994.

Leogrande, William M. Political Science Quarterly. Vol. 109, “Book Reviews”. New York:
            Academy of Political Science, 1994.

Shaw, Albert. The Messages and Papers of Woodrow Wilson. Vol. 18. New York: Review of
            Reviews Corporation, 1924.

Targ, Harry R. Cuba and the USA: A New World Order? New York: International Publishers.
            1992.

Quirk, Robert E. Fidel Castro. New York: W.W. Norton. 1995.

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[1]Leo Huberman, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1960). 25.

[2]Sebastian Balfour, Castro. (Essex: Longman Group UK Limited, 1990). 59.      Following his March 10^th coup, Batista initiated a purging of the bureaucracy and within two weeks the Council of Ministers consisted only of loyal Batistianos.

[3] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 43.

[4] Leo Huberman, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1960). 35.

[5] Leo Huberman, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1960). 39.

[6] Leo Huberman, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1960). 39.

[7] Leo Huberman, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1960). 40.

[8] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 13.        José Martí was a hero of the Cuban War of Independence. He died in combat in 1885, making him a martyr for Cuban independence. His writings influenced Castro significantly.

[9] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 58.      Eduardo Chibás was the leader of the Orthodox Party and a candidate for the presidential elections of 1952, until he committed suicide in 1951. He was considered one of the only honest candidates, and Castro viewed Chibás as his mentor.

[10] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 58.     

[11] Leo Huberman, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1960). 41.

[12] Sebastian Balfour, Castro. (Essex: Longman Group UK Limited, 1990). 59.     

[13] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 59.     

[14] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 82.     

[15] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 83.     

[16] Jules Dubois, Fidel Castro: Rebel—Liberator or Dictator? (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1959). 50.

[17] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 52.     

[18] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 59.     

[19] F.W. Knight, Choice vol. 31 Book Reviews (Middleton: American Library Association, 1994). 1350.    Knight is a Professor of History at John Hopkins University.  He specializes in the social and economic history of Latin America and the Caribbean, and has published numerous works on these topics.

[20] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 82.     

[21] William M. Leogrande, Political Science Quarterly vol. 109 Book Reviews (New York: Academy of Political Science, 1994). 936.      Leogrande is currently the Dean at the American University School of Public Affairs. He is an expert in Latin American history and has published numerous works under this topic.

[22] William M. Leogrande, Political Science Quarterly vol. 109 Book Reviews (New York: Academy of Political Science, 1994). 936.     

[23]Harry R. Targ, Cuba and the USA: A New World Order? (New York: International Publishers, 1992). 19.        Targ is a Professor of Political Science at Perdue University. He has published works on US foreign policy in Cuba and Latin America, as well as social and economic politics in Latin America and the Caribbean.

[24] Leo Huberman, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1960). 10.

[25] Harry R. Targ, Cuba and the USA: A New World Order? (New York: International Publishers, 1992). 22.       

[26] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 26.     

[27] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 38.

[28] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 43

[29] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 43

[30] Leo Huberman, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1960). 48.

[31] Sebastian Balfour, Castro. (Essex: Longman Group UK Limited, 1990). 59.

[32] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 40.

[33] Leo Huberman, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1960). 10.

[34] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 39.

[35] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 58.     

[36] Julie Marie Bunck, Fidel Castro and the Quest for a Revolutionary Culture in Cuba. (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1960). 4.

[37] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 121.

[38] Julie Marie Bunck, Fidel Castro and the Quest for a Revolutionary Culture in Cuba. (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1960). 4.

[39] Robert E. Quirk, Fidel Castro. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995). 83.     

[40] Sebastian Balfour, Castro. (Essex: Longman Group UK Limited, 1990). 41.

[41] Theodore Draper, Castroism: Theory and Practice. (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965). 7.

[42] Albert Shaw, The Messages and Papers of Woodrow Wilson vol. 2, (New York: Review of Reviews Corporation, 1924). 1147.