BOOK REVIEW: State and Society 1901-1922, Paul Corner

 Comments - This book review was awarded 15/15 points. 

State and Society, 1901-1922
Paul Corner

[NAME]

[STUDENT #]

[COURSE CODE]
October 4 2010

Table of Contents

Part A: Bibliography/Origin                                                                                                     2
Part B: Introduction/Purpose (242)                                                                                         3
Part C: Critical Summary/Value (920)                                                                                     4
Part D: Style and Organization/Limitation (138)                                                                     8
 Part E: Final Thought (19)                                                                                                        8

Total Word Count: 1373

Part A: Bibliography/Origin

Corner, Paul. “State and Society, 1901-1922.” In Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, edited by
            Adrian Lyttelton, 17-43. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. 

Lyttelton, Adrian. Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945. Ney York: Oxford University Press,
            2002.

St. Anthony’s College. “Monte dei Paschi di Siena Fellowship.” European Studies, University of
            Oxford, 2010. http://www.sant.ox.ac.uk/esc/fellowships/mdp.html.

Part B: Introduction/Purpose (245)

The essay “State and Society, 1901-1922” by Paul Corner traces the factors contributing to the decline of liberalism and subsequent rise of Fascism in Italy. It appears in Adrian Lyttelton’s Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945. For an academic audience, Corner’s examination covers events in Italian politics between Giovanni Giolitti’s parliamentary dominance in 1901 to the appointment of Benito Mussolini as prime minister in 1922. Corner asserts that history is the product of conflict and therefore adopts a Hegelian view in his essay when he states that with an Italian parliament “hopelessly divided between Liberals, Socialists, and Catholics, it proved impossible to stem the tide of the new [Fascist] movement”.[1] He provides a post-revisionist account of the period by asserting that “while Mussolini had been the original founder of the Fascist movement in 1919, he was not the main cause of its expansion or success after 1920”.[2]

Paul Corner is currently a Professor of European History at the University of Siena. He studied History at the University of Cambridge and completed his doctoral thesis at University of Oxford.[3] Until his resignation in 1987, Corner was the Director of the Centre for the Advanced Study of Italian Society at the University of Reading.[4] He is an expert in Italian Fascism and some of his other works on this topic include: Fascism in Ferrara (1975); From Peasant to Entrepreneur: The Survival of the Family Economy in Italy (1993); and Popular Opinion in Totalitarian Regimes: Fascism, Nazism, Communism (2009).    

Part C: Critical Summary/Value (920)

In his thesis, Corner states that “Fascism presented itself as the movement capable of reconciling widening social and ideological division [in Italy] through the creation of a society founded on the idea of a nation”.[5] Corner first argues that liberalism in Italy was ineffective in control the disorder in Italy since the time of unification. Furthermore, the Liberal’s conduct in government worked to further divide the nation. Lastly, Corner asserts that Fascism was able to address the disorder in Italy. The conditions resulting from deep ideological and social divisions in the population allowed Fascism to assume government control in Italy.

            Italy was in a state of civil unrest since the time of unification and the Liberals could not unify the people. Poverty was a major issue due to urbanization, specifically for the braccianti (landless farm workers from the north) and more generally in the south.[6] By 1911 “56 per cent of Italians lived in centres with more than 20,000 inhabitants”.[7]  Furthermore, Corner states that “industrialization served only to increase the distance between north and south in economic terms”.[8] This was apparent in emigration patterns: in the period 1881-90 more than 41 per cent of emigrants came from north Italy and slightly less than 27 per cent from the south; by 1912-13, almost 44 per cent came from the south.[9]  The Italian people had little faith in their government and “disillusionment in international affairs, combined with a general crisis of positivist and liberal beliefs, produced a gradual rejection of parliamentary and democratic values”.[10] Corner explains that liberalism remained in government despite having mass support among Italians since before 1912 "fewer than 25 per cent of Italian males had the vote”, and these were mainly upper class.[11] The economic crisis in Italy increased the appeal of socialism, syndicalism, and nationalism among the masses and this led to widespread striking in the nation.  The worst strikes occurred in 1912-4, costing over 5 million working days.[12]

            The conduct of the liberal government made disorder and division in Italy more acute. Giolitti allowed authorities to respond to social protest with violence, since “the carabinieri would simply shoot demonstrators”.[13] An example of an incident was in “Turin in August 1917, when workers demonstrated en masse against food shortages and the continuation of [WWI] ...In suppressing the riot, the army killed more than fifty protestors”.[14] In order to address the growing nationalism amongst Italians, Giolitti introduced universal male suffrage 1912 and increased voters to 8.7 million.[15] Corner explains that “served as a further destabilizing factor; liberal politicians, distrusting political parties for ideological reasons, had no real answer to the formation of mass electoral blocs.” An immediate political impact of universal suffrage was that Benito Mussolini was voted new directorate of the Italian Socialist Party in 1912.[16] In an attempt to unite the nation in the glory of war, “in 1911 Giolitti embarked on a war against the Ottoman Empire for the control of Libya... partially successfully in 1912 after a long and excessively costly campaign”.[17] Consequently, the war “inflamed rather than satisfied nationalist aspirations and worsened rather than improved his situation”.[18]

The disorder in Italy left by the liberal government could only be addressed by the aggression of Fascism. In the autumn of 1920, strikes addressed by agrarian fascism launched the fascist movement towards success.[19] Corner explains that “From the start of agrarian Fascism, which tolerated no opposition, there was an inbuilt mechanism of all-or-nothing which pushed the movement towards the conquest of whole regions and, thereafter, of the state”.[20] The Milan based movement, known as the fasci di combattimento, had over 53 000 members in 1920.[21] In 1920 they “began to organize systematic attacks on socialist leaders and union organizers, beating and killing with apparent impunity. The strategy was immediately immensely successful”.[22]

            Ultimately Corner concludes that the force and violence used by Fascism to address the divisions in Italy –which the liberals never could—would “from that point on, and for the next twenty years... be suppressed by the same force, by regimentation masquerading as class collaboration, and by the flimsy promises of Fascist propaganda”.[23]

Corner was effective in presenting the troubled state of Italian society at the turn of the twentieth century.   He presents many statistics, such as a figure on infant mortality which states that “around 40 per cent of all deaths registered in this period were those of children less than 5 years old”.[24]  This demonstrates the poor living conditions due to poverty for many Italians, which allows the reader to better understand the social backdrop in Corner’s subsequent analysis of the political forefront.  

Furthermore, Corner successfully establishes the significance of Giovanni Giolitti’s liberal leadership in the later success of the Fascist movement. Corner asserts that “The Piedmontese statesman, who dominated the political scene between 1901 and 1914, understood very clearly that the progress which Italy... depended, inevitably, on the formation of alliances with new groups... and it was to be around his capacity to achieve some kind of popular alliance that the subsequent history of Italy was to turn”.[25]  Readers can understand how Giolitti’s conduct in government contributed to the rise of Fascism and that Mussolini alone did not trigger the movement.

            Adrian Lyttelton writes that Corner is effective in making “clear the primary role of agrarian Fascism in propelling Mussolini into power... a phenomenon which he did not organize or control”.[26] Corner’s insight into agrarian fascism is significant because “the scale of agrarian agitation was something unknown elsewhere in Western Europe in the post-war period”.[27]

Part D: Style and Organization/Limitation (189)

            Corner presents his information in chronological order with analysis shortly following his facts. His essay is divided into sections by topic: economic prosperity in Italy from 1901-1907; the decline of Giolitti’s government from 1907-1914; internal politics during World War I; and the rise of Fascism following a period of socialist uprising.

Corner’s “State and Society” is a twenty-six page essay with a scope that encompasses Italian politics between 1901 and 1922. These characteristics prompt Adrian Lyttelton to describe Corner’s essay as a “comprehensive general survey of the period”.[28]   The combination of broad scope and short length reduce specificity in Corner’s evidence.

            The examination of Italian politics and social issues presented by this essay gives little credit to Benito Mussolini’s role in the rise of Fascism. Corner states that Fascism “was never simply Mussolini's creation... Fascism became a mass movement after 1920 as a result of what was termed squadrismo, the creation of paramilitary squads, each with their own charismatic local leader, organized at a provincial and local level”.[29] To a reader, Corner’s stance may inaccurately suggest a lack of significance in Mussolini’s role in the events of the period.

Part E: Final Thought (19)

            “The national solidarity which had not been realized was to be achieved through the all-

embracing message of Fascist nationalism”.[30]

---

[1] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 43. 

[2] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 43.

[3] St. Anthony’s College, “Monte dei Paschi di Siena Fellowship,” European Studies, University of Oxford, 2010, http://www.sant.ox.ac.uk/esc/fellowships/mdp.html.

[4]  St. Anthony’s College, “Monte dei Paschi di Siena Fellowship,” European Studies, University of Oxford, 2010, http://www.sant.ox.ac.uk/esc/fellowships/mdp.html.

[5] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 43.

[6] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 20.

[7] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 19.

[8] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 20.

[9] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 21.

[10] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 26.

[11] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 22.

[12]Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 27.

[13] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 21.

[14] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 33.

[15] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 29.

[16] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 29.

[17] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 26.

[18] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 26.

[19] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 38.

[20] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 41.

[21] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 40.

[22] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 40.

[23] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 43.

[24] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 20.

[25] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 22.

[26] Adrian Lytteltonm ed., Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 9.

[27] Adrian Lytteltonm ed., Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 9.

[28]Adrian Lytteltonm ed., Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).  256.

[29] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 41.

[30] Paul Corner, “State and Society, 1901-1922,” in Liberal and Fascist Italy: 1900-1945, ed. Adrian Lyttelton. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). 43.